1937年中国与日本的军事冲突升级为全面战争。随着中国国内战局的发展,海外华人的民族主义情绪空前高涨,抗日救亡运动在东南亚各地迅速兴起。在此背景下,许多华人重新审视自己的"中国性"与"华人性",思考自身与当地殖民政府及当地社群间的关系。传统观点认为,东南亚的抗日救亡运动主要受海外华人的爱国情怀驱动,其成效取决于华人领袖及社团对整个移民群体的动员能力。本研究将英属马来亚和荷属东印度的抗日救亡运动进行对比,指出这种观点存在一定的片面性。本文认为,虽然海外华人的爱国情绪引发了抗日救亡运动,但东南亚各殖民地不同的社会政治环境却影响了救亡运动的效果,华人群体内部的分歧也对救亡运动的发展产生了重要的形塑作用。 

Kris Alexanderson’s Subversive Sea is the newest addition to the growing scholarship on the twentieth-century Dutch empire. Adopting a fresh approach, this groundbreaking work examines the transoceanic aspects of Indonesian anticolonialism by examining the shipping networks stretching beyond the geographic boundaries of the metropole and colony. Based on her solid archival work, careful reading of existing literature, and well-structured analysis, Alexanderson demonstrates how the “oceans’ permeable boundaries created a simultaneous liberating and threatening maritime spatiality” and that “the maritime world is not a liminal space but an active political arena” (p. 27). Specifically, she points out Dutch shipping companies “connected disparate bodies of water into intertwined transoceanic networks” and played a “unique role in navigating interwar power struggles between imperial hegemony and anticolonialism” (p. 25). By “repositioning colonial Indonesia to a sub-imperial center,” Subversive Sea reveals that the interconnected maritime networks were not only critical in defining colonial structure within the colonial state but also reflected “fundamental differences between terrestrial and oceanic characteristics particular to the interwar Dutch empire” (p. 2).

The past few years have seen a growing number of scholarly works on British operations in Southeast Asia and their relationships with local resistance in World War II. Particularly intriguing is the mysterious last-minute deal struck between the British in Malaya and the Chinese-dominated Malayan Communist Party, or MCP, before the Japanese takeover...

People often see the origins of communist movements in Southeast Asia and the region’s overseas Chinese community as closely intertwined. This perception is evident in the cases of densely Chinesepopulated areas such as Malaya and Siam (Thailand), as well as places like Vietnam and Cambodia, where China’s influence has been historically strong in both political and cultural domains. Admittedly, it is very convenient to connect many Chinese-involved communist activities in Southeast Asia to the emergence of the communist party in China, but the simplistic argument – that Southeast Asia imports communism from China – is severely problematic. While overseas Chinese...

提起印尼政治，学者们谈的都是雅加达的腥风血雨，大城市的世事变迁。即便一些不安于谈论政治中心的学者，讨论的也是宗教冲突、族群政治，再不然就是讲巴布亚、亚齐等地的分离运动。感喟于先辈及同僚们对印尼有如此多维的研究和认识，同时总觉得缺了些什么。究竟什么是印尼“外岛政治”的常态?在笔者看来，苏拉威西是研究印尼“外岛政治”的理想实验室:离中心不远不近，民族宗教构成足够多元，对中央政府大多言听计从......总结起来，苏拉威西的政治没有鲜明特点，基本上不对中央政治产生重要影响。纵然，印尼政治的藏经阁在爪哇，但经文在各地的念法却形形色色。几次访谈后，笔者发现印尼人自己对本国的行政区划和地方政府架构也不是特别清楚，对近年发生的一些变化更是知其然而不知其所以然。本文仅做纯技术性的现象描述，不进行任何学术思辨与创新。

Scholars commonly regard the Comintern as having played a critical role in the emergence of the communist movement in late-colonial Malaya. When discussing the Comintern’s early influence, existing scholarships often use the arrest of Joseph Ducroux — alias Serge Lefranc, a French agent of the Comintern — in Singapore in June 1931 to illustrate the Comintern-China-Malaya connection. Additionally, historians have attached special meanings to the Ducroux Case, primarily because of the more significant repercussions it caused internationally. Laurent Metzger has conducted detailed research on Ducroux’s arrest in and eventual exile from Singapore between 1931 and 1932. While such an account is useful in demonstrating the incident’s international significance, little is known as to what immediate impression it created in the cosmopolitan port city. Moreover, it is also unclear how Singapore’s general public perceived communism when communist organizations had yet firmly established themselves in the British colony. This article seeks to make sense of such issues by investigating how the Singapore press reported on the Ducroux Case.

Geoffrey Robinson’s The Killing Season is one of the most-awaited books by the Southeast Asian studies community in 2018. The 456-page monograph explores in great detail the anti-communist massacres of Indonesia in 1965-66 and the long-term repercussions in the following decades. As one of the worst human atrocities in the 20th century, the mass killing led to the death of some half a million real and alleged communist members and sympathizers. After more than 50 years, however, reflections on this tragic event are far from sufficient. Although academic work in recent years spurred growing discussions within small circles, the mass violence has not received adequate attention from the international audience. Worse still, a troubling silence permeates Indonesia even today, as many of those who committed the atrocities have stayed in power. While victims struggled to find viable ways to pursue justice, numerous murderers managed to get away with impunity.

一些研究者常常把东南亚共产主义运动的起源与中国及华人群体对该地区的影响联系在一起,但"中国向东南亚输出早期共产主义"的简单论断是存在严重谬误的。在有关东南亚早期共运的讨论中,种族问题极具争议,突出表现为海外华人在共产主义革命中扮演了多样且矛盾的角色。本文以多层次的"中国性"为切入口,探讨早期东南亚共运的复杂性,其中既包括中国革命对东南亚革命者的思想启发,也包括华人在其中所扮演的马克思主义传播者的角色。本研究将共产主义运动在中国的兴起作为基本的参考坐标,就荷属东印度群岛、法属印度支那、英属马来亚,以及从未被欧洲殖民的泰国进行对比。本文不遵循严格的时间顺序行文,也无意对上述地区逐个展开分析,而是着重探讨以下三个相互关联的主题:（1）东方殖民地与半殖民地相似的反帝斗争路线;（2）东南亚对中国革命经验的借鉴与变通;（3）民族主义运动与"中国性"及"华人性"之间的矛盾。 

Many historians consider the 1926/27 PKI Uprisings as important precursors of Indonesia’s nationalist movement, which ultimately led to the country’s independence. When it comes to the actual course of events, however, existing narratives tend to describe the abortive revolts as ill-prepared, poorly organised and easily suppressed – and consequently, of limited impact in shaking the foundation of the Dutch colonial regime. It is also commonly understood that in the aftermath of the rebellions, dutch authorities dealt a crushing blow to the pki and its associated organisations by carrying out large-scale arrests, imprisonments, executions, and banishments. Beyond these facts, however, very little attention has been paid to the deeper meanings that the revolt revealed. as the following sections will demonstrate, the movement created enormous anxiety in the NEI which forced the Dutch colonial government to act with a strong hand. moreover, with frequent exchanges of information and personnel across the Malacca Straits, the NEI uprisings also generated considerable uneasiness in British Malaya.

Britain’s loss of its Southeast Asian colonies during World War Two (WWII), especially the fall of Malaya and Singapore, is a relatively well-studied topic. While existing scholarship has covered the military failure in great detail, researchers have not paid equal attention to the disorganization of the colonial administration, which played a no less important role in the years leading up to the defeat. Based on his meticulous research in British archives, Ronald McCrum has filled the gap by scrutinizing the ‘irresponsible and incompetent’ behaviors of the civilian authorities. He argues that by pursuing different priorities, the colonial government failed to take necessary measures to counter the growing threat of the Japanese. Besides the fact that the British civilian administration was in disarray within itself, their poor relationship with the military also greatly hindered joint efforts to augment the defense against the imminent invasion, which ultimately led to astonishing casualties when the war broke out.

China’s engagement with Indonesia from 1955 to 1959 was neither ideologically oriented nor realpolitik, but somewhere in between. It happened not only because of the changing domestic political situations or completely subject to the shifting international environment, but was also closely associated with intrinsic social and historical issues that transcended geographical, ideological and ethnic boundaries within and across the two nation-states. To some extent, this effective engagement was not a result of Indonesia’s leaning towards the left, but a reason for it—not in the sense of direct political intervention, but through the pursuit of common identity and interest, which significantly shaped the making of Indonesia’s Guided Democracy.

Het racisme van Gordon is een combinatie van arrogantie, onwetendheid en de wil het publiek te vermaken, betoogt Kankan Xie, historicus en promovendus aan de Universiteit van Californië in Berkeley.