1926年底，印度尼西亚共产党发动了一连串起义，但很快就被荷兰殖民当局扑灭，印尼共亦在镇压中解体。长期以来，学界将此次起义视作印尼民族解放运动中的一座里程碑，并认为它由殖民地内部矛盾引发，国际因素的影响相对有限。基于共产国际档案，本研究试图透过全球视角重新审视共产国际与印尼共的互动，探讨国际共运和地方革命的相关话语是如何相互建构的。本文探究了国际共运的话语构建机制，揭示了尽管国际因素对印尼共起义的作用不甚明显，但共产国际对印尼革命的认知却受到了同一时期中国革命、斯大林—托洛茨基论战等事件的影响；共产国际的相关会议由擅长理论而不了解印尼实情的高级官员主导，讨论流于形式，最终导致该组织对印尼革命形势缺乏判断，对荷兰殖民政府的镇压反应迟缓。

Language and language education are central to studies of Chinese diasporic culture. However, existing scholarship has overwhelmingly focused on how overseas Chinese populations navigate language politics in their host societies. This research adopts a different perspective by examining the crucial roles overseas Chinese played in establishing Indonesian language programs in mainland China between the mid-1940s and mid-1960s. Specifically, overseas Chinese “returnees” were indispensable in founding the National College of Oriental Studies during World War II and launching several Indonesian language programs in the early years of the People’s Republic of China. While these programs served vastly different political purposes over time, they also reveal critical yet often overlooked aspects of—and surprising continuities in—China-Indonesia cultural exchange amid decolonization, domestic conflicts, and the Cold War. Although the primary aim of these programs was to fulfill the operational needs of state agencies and government-affiliated organizations, returnee networks played essential roles in promoting Indonesian culture in China. They actively participated in circulatory cultural diplomacy between the two countries, contributing significantly to China’s long-term knowledge production on Indonesia.

自 1974 年 5 月 31 日中国与马来西亚建立正式外交关系以来，两国关系历经多个发展阶段，不断深化发展。在 50 年的演进历程中，中马关系经历几个不同历史时期，两国通过互动达成共识，构建彼此认可的身份与利益认知，进而推动双边关系的稳定发展。然而，仅从双边互动视角出发，难以全面解释复杂国际环境下中马关系的发展历程。因此，从系统层面探讨国际体系在不同时期对中马关系的制约，以及相关赋能因素的影响，是十分必要和重要的。尽管国际体系的结构性限制会影响国家行为体的互动，但行为体的能动性仍能部分突破这些限制，自主选择发展路径并塑造战略取向。这一系统视角不仅深化对中马关系本质的理解，也为探讨双边关系在不断变动的国际环境中的韧性提供一种新思路。