科研成果 by Type: Book Chapter

This chapter investigates China's recent higher education reform by developing applied education to addressing the issue of underemployment and unemployment of college graduates. Reviewing China's highly segmented labor market and the growth of flexible employment, we suggest that the negative effect of overeducation is mainly on those college graduates employed in the informal sector. Our analysis identifies a restructuring process of HE system aiming to break down the homogeneity among the elite and non-elite universities by making a dual process of differentiation. We conclude that it is difficult to achieve the ``parity of esteem'' between academic and applied education within a steeply stratified HE system and suggest that the relationship between HE system and cooperate employers deserves an in-depth investigation to turn around the fortunes of graduates from lower-tier universities.

Indoor air is a complicated matrix. There are various volatile organic compounds (VVOCs) such as formaldehyde and volatile organic compounds (VOCs) such as benzene, toluene, and xylene in indoor air. They are of low concentration and have different polarities. This chapter first introduces the sampling methods, sample treatment, and analysis of VVOCs (mainly carbonyls and ketones) in indoor air. The 2,4-dinitrophenyl-hydrazine (DNPH) derivatization – high-performance liquid chromatography (HPLC) method – is the most commonly used for the determination of VVOCs. Then four sampling methods for VOCs, including active sampling, passive sampling, whole-air sampling, and solid-phase microextraction (SPME), are introduced. Thermal desorption and solvent extraction are two commonly used methods to pretreat the samples for further analysis. GC combined with MS, FID, ECD, or BID is frequently used for the VVOCs, VOCs, quantitation.

本文从区域性视角，讨论罗马时期马其顿省的共同体发展情形。以下首先简短介绍本文脉络中所谓的"共同体"和区域性为何，再介绍以马其顿地区的共同体视野，看马其顿行省如何经由这类城际的、社群间纽带联系的组织，形成互联相依的行省整体。考量若干学界长期以来对罗马时期共同体的研究与观察角度后，本文从铭刻的地理联系网络视觉化，来塑造马其顿共同体在帝国时期所呈现出的地理纵深，并从承担马其顿共同体公职的显贵所能展现的实际作为，来描绘此机构在帝国时期对于区域性的影响力。本文还考虑了马其顿共同体在公职选拔、发布褒扬令的地理纵深、共同体钱币流通的广度，说明此组织的区域性特质。本文分析显示，马其顿共同体虽然在罗马击溃马其顿王族、消灭王权势力后，一并受到打击，但从铭刻证据来看，不论是共和时期还是帝国时期，王国体制下的马其顿各级组织都无法不以某种罗马中央政府允许的方式集会、议事。到了帝国时期，这种必须进行的年度聚会转化为爱琴海地区常见的共同体形式，以元首和皇室等中央政府和权力核心为号召，系统性地进行跨城、跨地域的区域性祭司与庆典活动。承担马其顿共同体公职的显贵，厉害者若如皮松之类，则近乎重新再见马其顿王的格局，不仅承担罗马中央政府期待的仪式性花费，还自费投入基础建设、缴纳税金、与元首就贝瑞亚城的头衔资格谈判等复杂任务。稍微逊色的显贵，也是能够在担任共同体的公职之外，承担地方上的公职，支持锻炼活动经费和油品支出等。在一般情况下，马其顿共同体似是可以视为一种透过抽取显贵的资源、并以区域性的政治社会地位作为回馈的正循环机构，能够解决不同地域的在地问题。透过地理纵深分析也可看见，马其顿共同体的穿透力从钱币、职官、甚至决议的效力，都为显著。所谓的自由马其顿地区的共同体地界，可发现马其顿共同体相关的铭刻与钱币，虽然不能完全排除偶然、随机流通或搬迁所造成的结果，但也可理解为马其顿共同体的影响力确实达到了其它共同体的地界之内。马其顿共同体是否有影响到其它共同体运作的模式，或对这些共同体造成利益上的冲击，尚待更多证据讨论。就目前来看，马其顿共同体的社会经济影响力如此显著，或许确实如赫佐普洛所言，与其顿共同体的地位不是一般的行省共同体，而是国族共同体有关。这也意味着马其顿共同体的研究，应该要适当地与其他地区的共同体在资料类型区分与比较等研究方法上有所区分。马其顿共同体是个具有高强度纽带联系的组织，随着罗马征服的过去阴影日渐淡化，个成员有趋近于互联相依的国族整体的态势。

随着数字技术的迅猛发展与数字应用的广泛普及，人类社会积累的数据种类、规模及其经济、社会和政治价值的挖掘与应用，正以前所未有的方式加速扩张，数据已从单纯作为事实或信息的载体，转变为数字时代的资源和资产，甚至被定义为生产要素。 在顶层设计方面，国家高度重视数据资源，并在政策领域逐步明晰数据作为生产要素的战略地位。2017年12月，习近平总书记在中共中央政治局第二次集体学习时强调，要构建以数据为关键要素的数字经济。2019年10月，党的十九届四中全会提出要“健全劳动、资本、土地、知识、技术、管理、数据等生产要素由市场评价贡献、按贡献决定报酬的机制”。2020年3月，《中共中央 国务院关于构建更加完善的要素市场化配置体制机制的意见》明确将数据视作一种新型生产要素，与土地、劳动力、资本、技术等传统生产要素并列，提出要加快培育数据要素市场，为进一步发挥数据生产要素的作用指明了方向。2021年3月，中央在“十四五”规划中明确强调，迎接数字时代，激活数据要素潜能，推进网络强国建设，建立健全数据要素市场规则，统筹数据开发利用、隐私保护和公共安全，培育规范的数据交易平台和市场主体。在实践层面上，在实践层面上，数据已成为日益重要的经济资源和生产资料，数据的生产、汇集、开发、利用、数据相关技术及产业创新已成为世界经济发展的重要驱动力。作为新的生产要素，数据正驱动着中国和世界主要经济体生产方式和经济形态的变革，推动着社会变革和制度变迁。因此，正确理解数据要素俨然成为理解数字时代的入手点。正因为如此，与之相关的各类探讨也不胜枚举。为此，我们认为有必要在纷繁的研究与讨论中，梳理出一条由发展背景到关键要素识别、再到明晰关键要素特性分析的研究主线。

本文聚焦罗马元首制时期刊刻于马其顿贝瑞亚城（Beroia）的一则行省总督政令（EKM I. 7）以及其中提到的水力驱动生产设施，并从《政令》来看行省总督面对水资源和相关生产设施的经济效益与社会意义时，治理视野可能产生的变化。在此所谓的治理视野，是考量位处高层的中央政府派员介入地方治理问题时，出于资讯不对称以及显贵政治主导的地方政治形态所会产生的迷雾效应，必然会面对的治理障碍。这种治理视野的限制在希腊语区容易出现，因为有许多城市获得罗马中央政府特许，能够维持相当高度的自治。例如小普林尼《书信集》第十卷第47篇写到，当他要检视阿帕美亚（Apamea）的收支与债务时，即便全城都想配合，但没人知道应该要怎么配合，因为长久以来，他们就是在特许状态下，用自己的方式管理城市。本文希望以总督对地方问题认识有限的假设为出发点，讨论马其顿省贝瑞亚城在爆发治理危机时，行省总督如何看待该城所拥有的比较完善、且具有特殊经济效益的水力驱动设备和水利设施。

The Dutch East Indies government adopted the so-called Ethical Policy in the early 20th century, resulting in complex repercussions for Chinese minorities. Education was among the most contended battleground between Dutch authorities and the Chinese community and within the Chinese community itself. While the establishment of the Tiong Hoa Hwe Koan schools galvanized the rise of Chinese nationalistic sentiment, the colonial government also founded a Dutch-language school system specifically tailored for the Chinese to counterweight the potential ideological threat. By exploring the competitions and intricacies between the two systems, this paper seeks to problematize the existing literature that predominantly focuses on only one side of the story. The paper argues that the emergence of the two systems was neither a natural result of the Dutch Ethical Policy nor merely driven by the Indies Chinese’s desperate demand for education. Instead, it vividly reflects various tensions within the heterogeneous Chinese community and its entangled relationships with the transforming colonial state and the ancestral homeland.

This chapter assesses the 1926-1927 Uprising in Indonesia across several interconnected geographic and institutional scales: In the Comintern, where exiled leaders of the Partai Komunis Indonesia conferred with Comintern representatives about the situation at home; in the highest levels of the Politburo, where disagreements over revolutionary tactics in China exacerbated the power struggle between Stalin and Trotsky; and in Indonesia itself, where colonial repression inspired the abortive uprising. In so doing, this chapter shows how the Uprising demonstrated the limits of internationalism. As PKI leaders were unable to maintain effective contact with the movement in Indonesia, gaps in information undermined decision-making and led to conflict over the applicability of Russian models to the Indonesian context. Debates over Moscow’s China policy diverted attention from other territories and drew PKI members into the Stalin-Trotsky feud. Comintern support for the Uprising, therefore, did not materialize, further undermining the communist movement in Indonesia.